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NYT: How Venezuela Became a US Colony with Rubio as Viceroy

A highly revealing and extensive report by the New York Times reveals in its entirety the current colonial relationship between the United States and Venezuela.

The "bells had been ringing" since May 8, when the National Nuclear Security Administration (DOE/NNSA) of the US Department of Energy, along with a celebratory FOX News report on the same day, informed us that they had seized 13,5 kilograms of uranium from Venezuela.

As we learned then, the US kidnapped Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and his wife on January 3rd, the following month, "Greece's good friend" US Energy Secretary Chris Wright was already there for the uranium.

In June, opposition leader Maria Machado, while she had done everything to please the US, found herself in the unpleasant position of the United States not letting her return to Venezuela.

On Friday, June 26, the plane carrying Maria Machado to Curacao, from where she planned to pass through Venezuela, was forced to return to Washington, while on June 28, she was denied boarding a flight to Caracas.

But now the NYT report of July 11th ^is devastating.

Titled "How Marco Rubio Governs Venezuela from afar," it states that "The Secretary of State effectively controls Venezuela's finances, the distribution of its natural resources, and its government. His dominance of the country is a characteristic manifestation of American power in the Trump era."

The US currently controls Venezuela so completely that the American newspaper likens this practice to “highly unusual, as it is unfolding 80 years after the United States abandoned its last major official colony, the Philippines” and “at the center of this system is Mr. Rubio, whom other officials call a “viceroy,” the title held by the powerful governors who ruled the Spanish Empire until Venezuela and most of its other provinces revolted and won their independence in the early 19th century.”

In fact, the report notes that "Mr. Rubio has become the de facto viceroy of Venezuela, exercising authority over a sovereign state in a way that no American official has done since L. Paul Bremer III (the disastrous head of the Interim Administration of defeated Iraq) arrived in Baghdad in 2003 to administer US-occupied Iraq."

The US controls public revenues, oil, government appointments, energy and foreign policy, the judiciary with extraditions of individuals to the US (living and dead, as mentioned in the case of the murdered Niño Guerrero), and even the social media posts made by Venezuelan President Delcy Rodriguez and the Minister of Foreign Affairs are subject to the control of the State Department.

A characteristic point in the report is that when the American FOX asked Rodriguez to give an interview, she asked the network to first get approval from Donald Trump.

Also in May, Mr. Rubio announced that Ms. Rodriguez would travel to India before the Venezuelan government had reported it, surprising Venezuelan officials, foreign diplomats, and we imagine Rodriguez herself.

The most worrying thing, however, is the following excerpt from the report:

“The U.S. Treasury Department takes the proceeds from most of Venezuela’s exports and then gradually disburses them to Venezuela through the country’s private banks, in a relationship akin to parents giving their children pocket money. Mr. Rubio and his team set the terms for where that money can be spent and by whom.”

Regarding the report, the Venezuelan government did not respond to a request for comment. The US government did not respond to the newspaper's detailed questions about Rubio's power in Venezuela, and Marco Rubio himself repeatedly declined interview requests.

How Marco Rubio governs Venezuela from afar

The secretary of state effectively controls Venezuela’s finances, the distribution of its natural resources, and its government. His dominance of the country is a characteristic manifestation of American power in the Trump era.

July 11

President Trump was sitting in the Oval Office earlier this year with Secretary of State Marco Rubio when an idea came to him.

Perhaps he should send Mr. Rubio permanently to Caracas, the capital of Venezuela, where American commandos had carried out the most significant foreign policy achievement of Mr. Trump’s second term: the capture of the country’s president, Nicolas Maduro.

Mr. Rubio could be Venezuela’s next leader, Mr. Trump has suggested. And while aides to the president say he was joking — and that he often teases Mr. Rubio about a foreign assignment — the fact is that Mr. Rubio does not need to move to Caracas.

He already governs Venezuela from Washington.

In the six months since American forces blew down Mr. Maduro’s bedroom door and seized him in the night , Mr. Rubio has become Venezuela’s de facto viceroy , wielding power over a sovereign state in a way no American official has done since L. Paul Bremer III arrived in Baghdad in 2003 to run US-occupied Iraq.

Mr. Rubio now effectively controls Venezuela’s finances, the distribution of its natural resources and its government, according to interviews with more than a dozen officials and people close to both governments, in Washington and Caracas, who provided details about his role in shaping the country’s policy. Many spoke on condition of anonymity to describe private conversations and internal deliberations.

Although he has not personally visited Venezuela since the United States took control, the foreign minister is deeply involved in the country’s day-to-day operations, maintaining close contact with Delcy Rodriguez, who was Mr. Maduro’s vice president and is now leading the country in a transitional capacity with the approval of the United States. The two exchange messages in Spanish on WhatsApp, sharing gossip, birthday wishes and selfies.

Despite the relaxed tone of their talks, the relationship between Mr. Rubio and Ms. Rodriguez is far from a partnership. It is a manifestation of American power in the Trump era, where the winner takes all, regardless of national sovereignty and international law.

The Venezuelan government did not respond to a request for comment.

The Trump administration did not respond to detailed questions about Mr. Rubio's authority in Venezuela.

Mr. Rubio himself has downplayed his role and largely avoided discussing his work. He has repeatedly declined interview requests.

Tommy Pigott, a State Department spokesman, said in a statement that “with renewed cooperation and prudent economic management, Venezuela can once again emerge as a stable and prosperous partner, whose citizens will benefit from its vast natural wealth and strengthened ties with the United States.”

Direct control of Venezuela's public revenues, in particular, is what differentiates Washington's influence there from that it exerts in most other countries, which depend on the military and economic power of the United States.

The U.S. Treasury Department takes the proceeds from most of Venezuela’s exports and then gradually disburses them to Venezuela through the country’s private banks, in a relationship akin to parents giving their children pocket money. Mr. Rubio and his team set the terms for where that money can be spent and by whom.

This system has allowed Mr. Rubio to stop the most blatant corruption schemes in Venezuela. And it offers some benefits to the Venezuelan government, which uses the effective protection of the US Treasury Department to collect revenues without being pursued by numerous creditors demanding repayment of billions in outstanding debt.

However, this arrangement has also given Mr. Rubio enormous influence over Ms. Rodriguez, who depends on this money to pay workers and support the national currency.

He also oversees the implementation of US sanctions on Venezuela, deciding who can do business in the country and how. He has worked to restructure the oil sector and boost access for US companies. For her part, Ms Rodriguez submits important government appointments, such as that of defence minister, to his approval.

Since two earthquakes hit Venezuela last month, Mr. Rubio has sought to bolster the country’s transitional government. The United States has sent 900 military personnel to Venezuela, pledged nearly $400 million in aid and delivered crates of cash to the Venezuelan government.

The earthquakes have complicated Mr. Rubio’s stated mission to return Venezuela to democracy (“It’s a setback in that direction,” Mr. Rubio admitted last month.) But the country’s ability to recover is critical to Mr. Trump’s ultimate goal: securing Venezuela’s oil for American interests.

This arrangement is highly unusual, as it comes 80 years after the United States abandoned its last major official colony, the Philippines.

However, Mr. Trump has made it clear that he wants a return to an era of American expansionism, suggesting that the United States could take control of Greenland, Canada and the Panama Canal.

He has had his greatest success in Venezuela. But there are also dangers.

Mr. Trump’s critics accuse the United States of draining Venezuela of its resources and propping up an authoritarian regime, largely keeping Mr. Maduro’s people in power. The arrangement also implicates the United States in the fate of a deeply unpopular, unelected regime that is facing growing demands for political change.

“Secretary Rubio said we are not at war with Venezuela,” said Rep. Sean Kasten, a Democrat from Illinois, addressing Treasury Secretary Scott Besant during a congressional hearing in February. By what authority, Mr. Kasten asked, does the United States control Venezuelan assets?

Mr. Bessent replied to Mr. Kasten that he would return with an answer.

Mr. Rubio’s tough realpolitik in Venezuela is a stark departure from the path of a man who has spent his entire political career portraying himself as a champion of democracy in Latin America . He has said his goal is a future democratic transition.

The outcome of the Venezuela standoff could shape Mr. Rubio's political future as Mr. Trump considers who will be his successor.

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"Let's make Venezuela great again"

In the early hours of January 3, shortly after Mr. Maduro’s arrest, Mr. Rubio called Ms. Rodriguez. Speaking in Spanish, Mr. Rubio told her that he had a choice between working with the United States or seeing a broader attack on Venezuelan infrastructure, military bases and senior officials.

After some negotiations, Ms. Rodriguez agreed.

She told Mr. Rubio that she was “essentially willing to do whatever we think is necessary to make Venezuela great again,” according to Mr. Trump. The president said the United States would “run the country” until a “safe, orderly and prudent transition” of power took place.

A few days later, Mr. Trump said in an interview with the New York Times that he expected the United States to rule Venezuela for years.

At the center of this system is Mr. Rubio, whom other officials call a “viceroy,” the title held by the powerful governors who ruled the Spanish Empire until Venezuela and most of its other provinces revolted and won their independence in the early 19th century.

As Ms. Rodriguez began to form her government, Mr. Rubio interfered in key staffing decisions and encouraged her to remove Mr. Maduro’s family members and business associates from power. She proceeded to do so.

Most Venezuelans expressed relief at Mr. Maduro’s fall, only to watch in disbelief as the Trump administration forged an alliance with most of his key enforcers. Inflation has eased but remains the highest in the world, and the country’s currency continues to lose value. Millions of citizens are demanding new elections, putting pressure on Mr. Rubio to move beyond economic deals and bring about political change. Investors are reluctant to put capital into a system that could collapse at any moment.

Before the earthquakes, Ms. Rodriguez had asked Mr. Rubio for greater economic autonomy and the lifting of economic sanctions to reduce the internal pressures facing her government.

Mr. Rubio has shown understanding for Ms. Rodriguez's arguments, but the US government has not relinquished control.

Mr. Rubio’s collaboration with Ms. Rodriguez has caused murmurs and resentment among some career U.S. diplomats, Venezuelan-Americans and Mr. Trump allies, who are troubled by the idea of ​​Mr. Maduro’s top lieutenant in power.

Mr. Rubio and other officials have dismissed those concerns, noting that Ms. Rodriguez has complied with almost every order the administration has given , especially those related to the country’s finances. Venezuela sells much of its oil through two oil trading companies, Trafigura and Vitol, under a settlement established by the Trump administration.

Mr. Rubio has largely overshadowed Energy Secretary Chris Wright on opening Venezuela’s oil industry to foreign investment, a cornerstone of Mr. Trump’s vision for the country. He has prioritized the entry of new American companies over European oil companies already operating in the country.

Ben Dietderich, a spokesman for Mr. Wright, said the secretary has worked closely with Mr. Rubio and that he has had regular conversations with both energy industry leaders and Ms. Rodriguez.

Washington's influence on Venezuela's economy extends beyond oil revenues.

Mr. Rubio's team drafts the licenses they grant to companies wishing to operate in Venezuela, granting exemptions from US sanctions.

Mr. Rubio has warned Ms. Rodriguez’s administration to avoid doing business with opponents of the United States. After Mr. Maduro’s fall, for example, Venezuela’s state oil company quietly took over operations of oil projects it had co-managed with Russian state-owned Rosneft. Rosneft did not respond to a request for comment.

The Trump administration has also successfully pressured Ms. Rodriguez to hand over Venezuelans targeted by the U.S. Justice Department. At the request of the United States, Ms. Rodriguez’s government in February arrested Alex Saab, a billionaire friend and business partner of Mr. Maduro, and authorized his extradition to the United States after first revoking his Venezuelan passport.

Some officials believe the US Justice Department is seeking to use Mr. Saab to bolster the case against Mr. Maduro, who has been charged with various drug trafficking offenses.

And in June, the Rodriguez government helped the United States eliminate a criminal organization leader with long-standing ties to Venezuelan officials, according to several people familiar with the operation.

U.S. forces used information provided by Ms. Rodriguez’s officials to kill Niño Guerrero, one of the leaders of the Tren de Aragua gang, in a missile strike in a remote area of ​​southern Venezuela. It was the first military cooperation between the two countries in decades. The Venezuelan government subsequently recovered the gang leader’s body and handed it over to the United States.

The Trump administration has accused Tren de Aragua of working with Mr. Maduro to flood the United States with drugs and illegal immigrants, even though US intelligence agencies assessed last year that Mr. Maduro had no control over the gang.

The Trump administration even exercises control over Ms. Rodriguez's public appearances and statements.

In May, Mr. Rubio announced that Ms. Rodriguez would travel to India before the Venezuelan government reported it, surprising Venezuelan officials and foreign diplomats.

When Fox News host Brett Baier contacted Ms. Rodriguez for an interview, she said Mr. Trump would have to give his approval . Mr. Trump particularly liked the fact that Ms. Rodriguez referred him to him for the final decision and, according to several people familiar with his statements, he has repeated the story many times when asked about it.

When the United States attacked Iran, Ivan Gil, Venezuela's foreign minister, issued a mild statement condemning the attack on Venezuela's longtime ally.

The Trump administration informed Ms. Rodriguez that the post had to be deleted and warned her not to publicly express support for opponents of the United States again. Mr. Hill deleted the post a few hours after it was published.

In practice, this amounted to an admission that Venezuela no longer determined its own foreign policy.

Mr. Hill did not respond to a request for comment.

Reassurance from Trump

Mr. Rubio was sleeping in Bahrain last month when he was awakened by a call from the White House Situation Room. Two powerful earthquakes had hit Venezuela, and the initial images were grim. Entire neighborhoods had been flattened and dozens of people were missing.

Shortly after, Mr. Rubio spoke with Ms. Rodriguez, pledging the full assistance of the United States. American rescue teams were on Venezuelan soil two days later. Mr. Rubio has described the administration’s plan for Venezuela as consisting of three phases: economic recovery, stabilization of the country and its transition to democracy.

Before the earthquakes, U.S. officials said they were in the second phase of working to open Venezuela to international investment. To advance that goal, senior Trump administration officials have traveled to Venezuela to meet with their counterparts and forge new agreements in the energy and mining sectors.

The announcements that followed, however, were mostly limited to optimistic descriptions of possible future investments.

In March, U.S. Secretary of the Interior Doug Bergham visited Venezuela and met with Ms. Rodriguez at the Presidential Palace. During the visit, Mr. Rubio texted her to ask how the meeting was going. Ms. Rodriguez replied that everything was going well and sent him a selfie with Mr. Bergham.

However, the meeting was overshadowed by an unpleasant development. Reuters reported that day that the US Department of Justice was discreetly building a legal case against Ms. Rodriguez.

Ms. Rodriguez's administration was taken aback and sought clarification from the White House. To allay her concerns, Todd Blanch, then deputy attorney general of the United States, called the report "completely FALSE."

However, the Venezuelan government requested further assurances. So the next day, Mr. Rubio sent Ms. Rodriguez a link to a social media post by the US president.

“Delcy Rodriguez, who is the president of Venezuela, is doing a great job and working very well with the US representatives,” Mr. Trump wrote. Ms. Rodriguez was pleased and wanted to thank Mr. Trump with a post of her own. But first, she shared the draft with Mr. Rubio. She posted it after receiving his approval.

Before Mr. Maduro’s arrest, U.S. prosecutors were investigating several Venezuelan officials, including Ms. Rodriguez, although it is unclear whether those investigations had uncovered evidence of crimes. The Associated Press reported in May that the Trump administration had asked prosecutors to drop the investigation into Ms. Rodriguez.

The success of efforts to stabilize Venezuela, the second phase of Mr. Rubio’s plan, depends largely on foreign investment. But investors remain wary. The oil sector is weakened and corrupt, and Ms. Rodriguez’s stay in power is uncertain. The earthquakes have delayed negotiations on new oil contracts.

Mr. Trump seems unconcerned. He has repeatedly suggested that Venezuela could become the 51st state of the United States.

Who will lead the country on a more permanent basis remains highly uncertain. The exiled opposition leader, Maria Corina Machado, remains the country’s most popular politician. However, she has sworn enemies in Venezuela’s security services and armed forces, which led Mr. Rubio to bypass her and choose Ms. Rodriguez as the leader destined to take over the country.

Once a staunch supporter of Ms. Machado, Mr. Rubio has distanced himself from her in recent months. The frostiness in relations between the Trump administration and Ms. Machado turned into an open rift after the earthquakes. U.S. officials refused to help her return to Venezuela, fearing it would spark unrest.

The timetable for the final phase of Mr. Rubio’s plan for Venezuela, namely holding free elections, remains unclear. When The New York Times asked Ms. Rodriguez in May when elections would be held, she replied: “I don’t know. At some point.”

Political analysts believe that Ms. Rodriguez may be trying to buy time until the end of Mr. Trump's presidency, hoping that the pressure to hold elections will ease on his successor.

For now, the question of when elections will be held is not in her hands. It is in Mr. Rubio's hands.

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